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Last updated at: (Beijing Time) Monday, July 28, 2003

Taiwan Ties Mar Japan's China Interests: News Analysis

Japan should discard its strategy of benefiting from playing Taiwan off against the mainland if it wants to see Sino-Japan ties developing on a healthy track.


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Japan should discard its strategy of benefiting from playing Taiwan off against the mainland if it wants to see Sino-Japan ties developing on a healthy track.

Since the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), assumed power in Taiwan in 2000, the ties between the island and Japan have undergone some eye-catching changes.

In May 2001, Japan's ruling Liberal Democratic Party established an organization jointly composed of so-called friendly Diet members. Following this, the Japanese Diet started a wave of visits to Taiwan.

In response, Taiwan's "presidential palace" set up a special working group in charge of affairs with Japan.

Later in August of the same year, the DPP, to take advantage of both sides' consensus to establish new exchange channels between Taiwan and Japan, set up a Taiwan-Japanese friendship association.

In March 2002, the newly appointed Taiwan "foreign minister" Eugene Chien put forward a five-point suggestion for the island's Japanese policy.

Chien suggested that the island should promote mutual high-level visits with Japan, strengthen official contacts, set up security dialogue mechanisms, promote the signing of a free trade agreement (FTA) and push for Japan's backing of Taiwan's efforts to enter international organizations.

In response to the Chinese mainland's rapid economic growth, Taiwan authorities trumpeted their idea that Japan and Taiwan should reach an FTA as soon as possible.

Taiwan "president" Chen Shui-bian, in an interview with Japan's Yomiuri Shimbun Newspaper in May 2002, said Japan, the United States and Taiwan should consider signing an FTA in the Asia-Pacific region, to ensure security and peace across the Taiwan Straits and the whole region.

The Japanese Government has also reversed its consistent policy of supporting the one-China stance and politically supported Taiwan in the international arena.

On May 14, 2002, Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Yasuo Fukuda announced support for Taiwan's entry into the World Health Organization.

Besides Fukuda, many other senior Japanese officials have expressed support for Taiwan and advocated visiting the island in an official capacity.

The Taiwan authorities have also sent, on many occasions, a message to Japan maintaining that the status quo across the Taiwan Straits conforms to the interests of Japan and the United States.

The continuous advancement of Japan-Taiwan ties has been decided, to a large extent, by their unceasing development of economic and trade relations.

In 2000, their trade volume amounted to US$55.2 billion, more than 39 times that of 1972, when Japan cut off its "diplomatic relations" with Taiwan.

So far, Taiwan has become Japan's fourth largest trading partner and an important base for the overseas development of Japanese enterprises. And Japan is Taiwan's third largest export destination and its largest source of imports.

The huge economic interests the two sides have in each other have significant influence upon their political relationship.

During Lee Teng-hui's term of "presidency," the Taiwan authorities began their diplomatic offensive towards Japan. When the DPP took office, the momentum was further strengthened.

The Taiwan authorities with Chen at the core, which never accepted the one-China policy, even concede to Japan on issues relevant to Chinese national sentiment and historical facts.

For instance, at the time when the central government was protesting Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's visit to Yasuhuni Shrine in April 2002, the Taiwan authorities issued a different response than the Chinese mainland, saying the island will be more tolerant.

Later in September, Lee even said that the Diaoyu Islands were part of Japan's inherent territory and China lacked grounds to claim ownership.

Some Taiwan officials even openly said, the islands are more assured if Japan - with the backing of a militarily strong United States - possesses them.

Japan's policy towards Taiwan has been based upon a consideration of its own strategic interest in the international arena.

China's rapid economic development and improvement of its comprehensive national strength in recent years regarded by some Japanese politicians as a threat, has deepened Japan's psychology of balancing the Chinese mainland's influence and strengthening its own security by taking advantage of Taiwan.

However, despite some uncertainties on the Taiwan question, there is no need to be too pessimistic about the prospect of Sino-Japanese relations.

So far, the status quo of Japan' ties with the Chinese mainland and Taiwan have not changed and will not if the mainland can maintain its economic growth.

There is not much possibility for Japan to excessively strengthen ties with the island by sacrificing its substantial interests on the Chinese mainland.

To reduce the influence of the Taiwan question and create a better prospect for Sino-Japanese ties, China and Japan should make active efforts to overcome problems hampering the development of ties.

The two countries should closely cling to the policy of "learning from history and facing the future."

For this, Japan should fully understand China's sentiment and respect its position on historical issues. It should also correctly deal with the rise of China and overcome its ambivalent attitude.

The author is an associate professor at the University of Shimane in Japan.


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