Analysis of Japan 2003 White Paper on Defense

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Last updated at: (Beijing Time) Friday, August 15, 2003

Analysis of Japan 2003 White Paper on Defense

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The annual white paper on defense was submitted by its Defense Agency to the Japanese Government on August 5 and would be passed by the cabinet conference. With the quickening pace in beefing up armaments and participating in international security affairs, the release of the 2003 White Paper on Defense immediately aroused wide concern from all social circles at home as well as the international community.

Unlike previous white papers, which stressed guaranteeing land security, the new edition for the first time clearly defines "the main task for Japan Self-defense Forces being assisting the United Nations in peacekeeping operations". Such a major change in the defense policy indicates that, as the Japanese system for dispatching forces overseas upgrades continuously, SDF's duties will undergo essential changes accordingly, and then the "exclusively defense-oriented principle", long-flaunted by postwar Japan, is pigeonholed.

The white paper holds that " at present the possibility for an outside large-scale landing attack on Japan is very slim", and so in future "its main threats will come from the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and terrorist activities". Based on this judgment, "SDF must adjust the defense emphasis, reduce the Ground Self Defense Force (GSDF) and strengthen and consolidate the ability of the Maritime Self Defense Force (MSDF) to tackle international terrorism and missile attacks." To strengthen the anti-missile capability and develop Air and Maritime Self-Defense Forces has always been the key part of Japan's cause to build quality and picked troops.

If one makes a continuous observation of changes in the Japanese defense policies, it is not difficult to discover that the publishing of 2003 White Paper on Defense is actually a continuation of Japan's effort to expand arms and room for SDF's overseas operations, and that the publishing has its obvious policy continuity and necessity.

When the PKO Law was passed in 1992, SDF began to participate in the UN peacekeeping missions. Since the Koizumi Cabinet assumed power in 2001, the force dispatch overseas has made substantive headway under the banner of "no forbidden space for structural reform". In the first year of the Koizumi Cabinet, the Anti-Terrorism Special Measures Law was enacted, the PKO Law, the Japan Coast Guard Law and the SDF Law amended, which made it possible to send SDF to support the US-launched Afghanistan War and the Iraq War. In June 2003 the "emergence legislation on war contingencies" Three Bills including amendment to the SDF Law were passed, which further relax restrictions on SDF carrying and using weapons when performing missions. Later in July the passing of the Special Measures Bill for Iraq's Reconstruction, allows SDF, beyond the UN peacekeeping framework, to implement missions in war flames lingering areas for the first time since Japan started sending troops abroad. Today the release of the new white paper made the dispatch of troops overseas a main task for SDF.

The 2003 White Paper on Defense not only signals an upgrading of the system for dispatching troops abroad, which transforms SDF from an "exclusively defense-oriented" army rapidly into one "being dispatched abroad", but lays a permanent legal foundation for Japan to legitimize the dispatch of troops overseas.

What has made Japan so bold as to fear nothing? There are two factors to account for this: Firstly, since the end of the Cold War, Japan has been obsessed with swollen ambition to become a military and political power, which, however, is handicapped by a lack of proper chances for actions. Secondly, from the perspective of the international background, the United States, proceeding from the consideration of its own strategic interests, has unceasingly put pressure on the Japanese government, requiring Japan to shoulder more responsibilities in regional and international security affairs. The Japanese government therefore has enacted a series of laws intending to clear away obstacles to its wish to be a military power and revising the constitution in the name of anti-terrorism.

These movements toward arms expansion and eagerness to be a military power will bring about serious effects on the security of the Asia-Pacific region, particularly Northeastern Asia. Regarding this, many Japanese people of insight take an attitude of fierce criticism. For instance, Tetsuzo Fuwa, chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Japan, pointed out, "There is not a single aircraft carrier in Japan, but MSDF has built 53 aircraft carrier corvettes. With the reinforcing of MSDF and upgrading of the system of dispatching troops abroad, why doesn't Japan SDF simply call itself 'US Defense Forces'?"

Of course, SDF will not change its name rashly. But seizing the opportunity of following the US unilateral hegemonic policy to seek some regional supremacy is actually the conspiracy behind the new edition of white paper, which also is the essence of 2003 White Paper on Defense.

By PD Online Staff Zhu Lizhen

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