For the reformist Iranian President Mohammad Khatami, the past year turned to be an unforgettably displeasing one, mainly because his executive power was crippled by conservatives.

The succession of upsetting events against Khatami was pioneered by the disqualification of more than 2,200 reformist candidates by the hardliners-dominated Guardian Council in the Majlis (Parliament) election in February.

The disqualification deprived the reformist camp of an opportunity to defend its majority in the Majlis. Naturally, the conservatives swept into victory and then into power on May 27.

Facing looming disadvantages, Khatami made a last-ditch effort to secure a possible reconciliation with the hardliners.

In a joint session between his cabinet and the Majlis representatives in August, Khatami overtly expressed hope that the meeting could help promote "harmony and cooperation for closer understanding and consultations" between the two sides.

"If the Majlis and the government would cooperate with each other, they can serve the nation thoroughly," Khatami said.

Contrary to the president's expectation, his appeal fell on deaf ears.

Grasping the crucial position to maneuver against the reformist government, the conservatives firstly began to place curbs upon the economic administration of the Khatami cabinet.

After leveling agglomerations of criticism at the cabinet's performance in cooperation with foreign investors, the Majlis on Sept. 22 approved a highly disputed draft bill which obliged the government to receive permission from the Majlis before it signed any contracts with foreign companies.

Soon after the approval, Khatami complained that the bill would "paralyze the government" and prevent it from making any progress, terming the legislators' move as "unconstitutional" and "an interference in the executive power by the legislative branch."

Khatami's protest went unheard again, and what he could do was just to accept the setback meekly.

The impairment of power also affected Khatami's performance in diplomacy.

As a result of the bill, the president had to postpone and later cancel his scheduled visit to Turkey, for he no longer had a say on principal issues to be discussed during the aborted mission: the enforcement of two trade contracts signed between the two neighbors.

Following this disabling blow to the cabinet, the ascendant parliament did not halt its aggression.

Its next target was set on the transportation field.

On Oct. 3, the Majlis unseated Minister of Roads and Transportation Ahmad Khorram with an impeachment motion. Khorram was accused of being corrupted and responsible for rising road accidents as well as signing illegal contracts with foreign companies.

Just three days before the impeachment, Khatami extended considerable support to Khorram by stating that his performance had been satisfactory and his ministry was among the most successful sections of the government in terms of the volume and quality of work done.

Unfortunately, the president's message did not offer much help to the minister.

In protest against the Majlis' move, vice president for parliamentarian affairs Mohammad Ali Abtahi resigned.

Meanwhile, the Majlis criticized the alleged malpractice of Interior Minister Abdolvahed Mousavi Lari and Education Minister Morteza Haji, threatening to adopt similar impeachment motions on them.

Apart from the Majlis, the Armed Forces, a faction controlled by hardliners, also lost no chance to make troubles for the Khatami government.

The Armed Forces on May 8 shut down the new airport of Tehran, Imam Khomeini International Airport, just after it began the long-awaited operations with an inaugural ceremony and a first landing of a passenger aircraft.

The military explained that the government-controlled Iran Air's commissioning of the operation of the airport to a Turkish-Austrian consortium caused great concerns over national security and dignity.

The cabinet had no power to oppose the mighty Armed Forces, and it just delivered a soft statement to express "regret" and called for "legal actions".

The airport still remains closed, and there is no sign of opening in the near future.

To make things worse, the turn-about of his former supporters, mostly youths and students, dealt even a heavier blow to the philosopher politician.

No matter how unbearable the conservatives' pressure was, it could not disappoint Khatami as much as the boos from his dissatisfied followers did.

Depending on enthusiastic support from the open-minded youths and students, Khatami, preaching reforms, won overwhelmingly in the presidential elections in 1997 and 2001.

However, it is widely believed that he has failed his supporters by his weakness in promoting the promised democracy and freedom.

Additionally, Khatami even had no muscles to protect his supporters when the hardliners took advantage of their control of the judiciary system to launch disastrous crackdowns on reformist activities as well as in press and educational areas.

In early December, at a gathering with students in Tehran University, Khatami was confronted with a cold reception.

Most of the students were dissatisfied with his sluggishness when carrying out reform plans. Some of them even chanted slogans like "Khatami, shame on you" and "Khatami, our votes were wasted on you."

That was a somewhat lamentable scene, compared with the wide and sincere applause Khatami enjoyed nearly eight years ago when he refreshed the country with the impressive image of a philosophic and open-minded reformist.

With only several months remain for his second and final term in office, it will be difficult for President Khatami to find a chance to rebound and he is widely believed to sit and wait for the retirement.

Source: Xinhua