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Home >> Opinion
UPDATED: 08:30, January 27, 2005
Trend of China's Taiwan policy crystallizes, expert analysis
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The activity marking the 10th anniversary of former President Jiang Zemin's "eight-point proposition on the Taiwan question" (see background information below) will be held at the end of this month, Huang Renwei, vice-president of the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, in an exclusive interview with HK-based Ta Kung Pao, pointed out--

The practical significance of "Jiang's eight-point proposition" has again drawn people's attention as the trend of the central government's policy toward Taiwan has become increasingly clear and has begun to gain the initiative in cross-Strait relations. Especially as the Anti-secession Law is going to be published, to review and enrich "Jiang's eight-point proposition" is of strategic significance in understanding this law.

Under the framework of the Anti-secession law, it is possible for the mainland to blaze a path of defeating gradual "Taiwan independence" by gradual reunification through extending the connotation of the eight-point proposition, said Huang.

Huang says in his analysis, firstly, "Jiang's eight-point proposition" gives a clear definition on what is the status quo of the Taiwan Straits, i.e., "Taiwan is an inalienable part of China, and the two sides across the Taiwan Straits are in a state of separation." Though the two sides are in a state of separation, they are indivisible in the sense of territory and sovereignty. Furthermore, the two sides now are not separate in the domain of territory and sovereignty. A state of separation refers to the separation of governance and the right to rule. That is to say, presently Taiwan only has the right to rule and has no sovereignty, and the two sides are separated but not splitted.

The United States, the mainland and Taiwan all have their respective definitions on what is the status quo of the Taiwan Straits, said Huang. Previously, some outsiders asserted that there was no clear official definition made by China on this question, but actually as early as a decade ago, definition was already explicitly given in Jiang's proposition. What's more, one of the functions of the Anti-secession Law is to forbid disrupting the status quo. Maintenance of the status quo is to the benefits of the common people of the United States and Taiwan, and it serves as a balancing point for the mainland, for Taiwan and for the United States.

Secondly, "Jiang's proposition" makes it clear that there are two means for solving the Taiwan question, one is peaceful and the other is non-peaceful, of which the latter deserves special attention since it is the core content of the Anti-secession Law. In the eight-point proposition, the phrase "non-peaceful means" is used, rather than the use of such terms as "war", "force" and "military means". "Non-peaceful means" has a broader content than, and is not limited to, military means. In fact, it contains some states lying between peace and war, such as economic sanction, military deterrent, large-scale military drill, partial blockade and what not. It is a "non-peaceful means" as long as no fire is opened, so actually this is a high-handed and containing measure against "Taiwan independence" forces. From this perspective, the Anti-secession Law should be wide-ranging in content, which is absolutely not a law of war, not a war mobilization order and not a declaration of war.

Thirdly, Jiang stated in his proposition that "on the premise that there is only one China, we are prepared to talk with the Taiwan authorities about any matter." This point was actually raised as early as at the 14th Party Congress in October 1992, which was made even clearer in Jiang's proposition. As to what topic of conversation and content are included in the sentence "any matter can be talked about", the "May 17, 2004" statement made with authorization by Taiwan Work Office under the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council gave seven detailed points, which even include Taiwan's activity space commensurate with its status in international affairs, the positioning of the island and the establishment of a mechanism of mutual trust between the two sides in the military field are all topics that "can be discussed". The statement is still effective today.

Fourthly, Jiang called on the two sides to shake off political interference into economic and trade ties. This point is primarily directed against the Taiwan authorities' saying "No haste, be patient". In fact, we also need to get rid of traditional political interference in our way of thinking. The realization of direct charter flights for Taiwan businesspeople during the Spring Festival this year represents a breakthrough and model in illustrating freedom from political intervention. On this matter, neither the mainland set up political pre-conditions in advance, nor Taiwan haggled too much over the question about "international air route", or "domestic air route", with an aim to help bring about the charter flights during the Chinese Lunar New Year. As routine work is disconnected with politics, some claim that this is a big step back taken by the mainland in matter of principle, actually, it represents a big step forward in cross-Straits relations. As long as a matter is beneficial to people of both sides, the more the faster it progresses, the better; the more it facilitates contacts between people of the two sides, the better, and the wider it is open, the better.

Fifthly, Jiang pointed out in his proposition that "we respect Taiwan people's quest for being masters of their own destiny". In Huang's opinion, this has, in fact, left room for all internal affairs of the island. It is Taiwan people's own choice regarding whichever political party is in power and which is not, as long as the status quo of the Straits is not disrupted. This is a concrete embodiment of "one country, two systems", the mainland does not meddle in the island's political, electoral and economic affairs. A good leader chosen by Taiwan people is a long-term benefit; but the choice of a trouble-creator to be the leader who makes crisis by sticking to the "Taiwan independence" goal will be disastrous for everybody. "Jiang's eight-point proposition" was put forward in 1995 when the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) had not come to power for the second time. The current political chaos on the island proves Jiang's remark to be of more practical significance.

Sixthly, Jiang's proposal calls on people on both sides of the Taiwan Straits to jointly safeguard the fine traditions of Chinese culture. This remark was made before Taiwan authorities launched the campaign for "dezincification" and "rectification of name", etc. Now the Taiwan authorities go so far as to erase all names with the word "China", fundamentally speaking, this is to rub out the ubiquitous fine culture of China. For example, the Mazu culture retained everywhere in Taiwan, the names of all Chinese provinces and cities on various streets in Taipei and the Taiwan navy warships named after patriotic Chinese heroes like Yue Fei and Qi Jiguang��all these are embodiments of traditional Chinese culture. In the opinion of Prof. Huang Renwei, the practice of the Taiwan authorities aims to push the majority of Taiwan people to their opposite side, some Taiwan people, even if disagreeing to the "One China" concept, cannot deny that they themselves are inheritors of Chinese culture. If "dezincification" is practiced, all Taiwan people will fail to find out the ownership of their culture and thus culturally become orphans.

Backgrounder: "Jiang's eight-point proposition"
On January 30, 1995, at a New Year party given by the Taiwan Work Offices under the Central Committee of CPC and the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council, President Jiang Zemin delivered a speech entitled "continue to promote the Reunification of China". He stated his views and eight-point proposition on a number of important questions that have a bearing on the development of relations between the two sides and the promotion of a peaceful reunification of the motherland.

The eight points are:

1.Adherence to the principle of one China is the basis and premise for peaceful reunification. China's sovereignty and territory must never be allowed to suffer division. We must firmly oppose any words or actions aimed at creating the "independence of Taiwan" and propositions that run counter to the principle of one China such as "two split sides with separate administrations", "two Chinas over a period of time" and so on.

2.We do not challenge development of non-governmental economic and cultural ties by Taiwan with other countries. However, we oppose Taiwan's activities in "expanding" its "international living space" which aim to create "two Chinas" or "one China, one Taiwan".

3.It has been our consistent stand to hold negotiations with the Taiwan authorities on the peaceful reunification of the motherland. As the first step, negotiations should be held and an agreement reached on officially ending the state of hostility between the two sides in accordance with the principle that there is only one China. On this basis, the two sides should undertake jointly to safeguard China's sovereignty and territorial integrity and map out plans for the future development of their relations.

4.We should strive for a peaceful reunification of the motherland since Chinese should not fight Chinese. Our not undertaking to give up the use of force is not directed against our compatriots in Taiwan, but against the schemes of foreign forces to interfere with China's reunification and to bring about the "independence of Taiwan."

5.Great efforts should be made to expand economic exchanges and cooperation between the two sides to as to achieve prosperity for both to the benefit of the entire nation. We maintain that political differences should not affect or interfere with economic cooperation between the two sides. We will safeguard the legitimate rights and interests of industrialists and businessmen from Taiwan under whatever circumstances. Since direct links for postal, air and shipping services and trade between the two sides are an objective requirement for their economic development and contacts in various fields, and since such links serve the interests of people on both sides, it is absolutely necessary to adopt practical measures to speed up the establishment of such direct links.

6.The splendid culture of 5,000 years created by the sons and daughters of all ethnic groups of China has become ties that keep the entire Chinese people close at heart. It constitutes an important basis for a peaceful reunification of the motherland. People on both sides of the Taiwan Straits should jointly inherit and carry forward the fine traditions of Chinese culture.

7.We should fully respect Taiwan compatriots' lifestyle and their wish to be the masters of their own destiny and protect all their legitimate rights and interests. All parties and personages of all circles in Taiwan are welcome to exchange views with us on relations between the two sides and on peaceful reunification. They are also welcome to visit and tour the mainland.

8.Leaders of the Taiwan authorities are welcome to visit the mainland in appropriate capacities. We are also ready to accept invitations to visit Taiwan. The affairs of the Chinese people should be handled by Chinese themselves, something that does not take an international occasion to accomplish.

By People's Daily Online


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