American modifiers of Sino-US relations have changed from the original three C (candid, constructive and cooperative) into four C by adding the word "complicated"; Sino-US relationship is a pair of special bilateral relationship. The common interests between the two countries are wide-ranging and profound, and there are deep differences on some fundamental problems, but common interests outweighing differences are an indisputable fact; In the long period of China's development, there would be both divergences in and debates on the US policy toward China, only that Sino-US relationship is sometimes intense and sometimes relaxed, this should be seen as a normal state.

Subtle changes have taken place in the American positioning of Sino-US relations

China-US relationship has never been plain sailing. Leaving aside what was in the remote past, since the conclusion of the Cold War, US China policy has always been in debate.

In the early 1990s, the "China collapse theory" was all the rage in the United States. In the first three and a half years during the term of the Clinton administration, relations between China and the United States went through thick and thin. In May and June 1996, the Clinton administration came to realize the importance of China-US ties to America, and so must be kept stable and bilateral ties must be improved. But this common understanding remained rather weak in the American society. In the middle and late 1990s, the "China collapse theory" was replaced by the "China threat theory", and the great debate over the American policy toward China became increasingly fierce.

The US counter-terrorism strategy after the "September 11" attacks on the United State in 2001 had some influence on Sino-US relationship.

The United States confirmed that terrorism was the main threat to US national security, bringing the earlier policy debate on "China threat" basically to an end. It simultaneously affirmed that China was a cooperative partner in the anti-terrorism struggle, making an important change in the positioning of bilateral ties from "strategic competitor", and "competitor" to "constructive cooperative relationship". The field of cooperation between the two countries further expanded, and anti-terrorism and prevention of the proliferation of weapons of massive destruction (WMD) became a new flashpoint in bilateral cooperation.

Nearly four years after the "September 11" incident, Americans began to contract the "counter-terror weariness". US congress, mass media and interest groups lowered their attention to terrorism, and China again became US main object of attention. The accusations of China by the rather quiet interest groups in the past four years have again been in the increase, debate on the new policy toward China has again emerged, and China-US relationship has entered the "post September 11 period".

In correspondence to this, the Bush administration's positioning of Sino-US relations has experienced subtle change.

While being interviewed respectively by Forbes on May 31 and by the New York Times on August 19, both George W. Bush and Condoleezza Rice affirmed that current Sino-US relationship is fine, but they both stressed that China-US ties are "complicated", and originally they did not make such emphasis. In this way, American modifiers of Sino-US relationship has changed from the original three C (candid, constructive and cooperative) into four C by adding the word "complicated".

Five regular features of Sino-US relations

In the opinion of this writer Tao Wenzhao, the constant condition of Sino-US relations has the following five characteristics.

Firstly, the Sino-US relationship has never been a pair of easy bilateral ties, and has always required extreme attention from both sides.

Sino-US relationship has all along been seeking stability amidst turbulence, and advancement amidst bumpiness.

Secondly, China-US relationship is a pair of special bilateral ties. The common interests between the two nations are wide-ranging and profound that have continued to develop after the Cold War, but there are deep differences between the two countries on some fundamental problems.

The writer holds that the common interests between the two countries lie mainly in three aspects: Maintaining world and regional peace and stability; mutually beneficial economic and trading ties; opposing terrorism and fighting the proliferation of weapons of massive destruction, attacking organized international crimes, etc.

Differences between the two sides can be summed up in three aspects: Differences in the social system and ideology; difference on the Taiwan issue; America is the only superpower, China is a rising big country, there exist strategic doubts and misgivings between the two sides.

How should the two countries coordinate their respective interests in East Asia and the world as a whole is a question yet to be resolved. The United States always guards against challenges posed by any countries to its regional and global leading position, and it has not made psychological adjustment and preparation for China's rise.

But the common interests of the two countries outweighing differences are an indisputable fact. Along with the deepening of economic globalization, bilateral relations have become a kind of tie in which neither side can do without the other, and no one can venture to worsen bilateral ties. Just as Prof. Wang Jisi said in his article entitled "America is expecting Hu Jintao's visit" published on the Global Times August 26: "An "interdependence pattern featuring mutual doubts and misgivings has been formed between China and the United States".

Thirdly, Sino-US relationship is not only a tie between governments, it is also a tie between two societies. Bilateral ties, contacts and cooperation have infiltrated various aspects of social life, and the ties and contacts between China and the United States in various aspects of social life are far more than contacts of China with any other countries. This is an important indication of deepening bilateral relations, as well as an important factor for bilateral ties to be able to maintain a basic stability through thick and thin.

Fourthly, domestic politics is an important factor affecting Sino-US relationship.

America's factional struggle and interest groups often exert important influence on the relationship. US Congress' frequent proposals targeting China is a constant condition pertinent to Sino-US relationship. It should be noted here that the Congress' proposals on China are not all negative. The "U.S.-China Cultural Engagement Act" put forward by Senator Joseph Lieberman May 25 this year is aimed at developing exchanges between the two countries in academic, cultural and commercial fields and enhancing the Americans' special skills in the Chinese language and culture.

On June 14, the China Congressmen Group was formally established in the Congress. The two moves at least show that these congressmen deem it necessary to know more about China and strengthen contacts with China. To be honest, the present atmosphere about China in the US Congress is better compared to 1999.

Interest groups are a restraint to Sino-US relationship. Congress of Industrial Organization (CIO), Congress of Labor Organization, human rights interest group, the Christian Right wing and other interest groups invariably make a great fuss about questions related to the group concerned. Different interest groups, by grasping a certain point related to Sino-US relations, make a great noise, stir up waves and deliberately create disturbances--these also belong to the constant condition related to Sino-US relations.

Fifthly, the public of China and the United States both cherish a kind complex of love and hatred toward the opposite country.

We have talked a great deal about the Chinese complex toward the United States. The Americans also have such a complex toward China, The Americans like the cheap but excellent Chinese commodities. When one enters Wal-Mart, one finds that over half of the commodities are China-made. But Americans may wonder whether US jobs have lost to China (even though this is probably not a fact). This complex of love and hatred will continue.

Human rights, economy and trade, strategic doubts and misgivings and the Taiwan issue are all manageable

In the opinion of this writer, the differences in present Sino-US relations can be managed. The human right issue is an old problem. The early 1990s was the period that saw the gravest destruction of Sino-US relationship. But the influence exerted by the human rights issue on Sino-US ties has gradually weakened from the veteran Bush administration, to the Clinton administration and then to the current Bush administration. At present, China has dialogs on human rights with many Western countries, including the European Union (EU). Various countries are generally reducing their misunderstanding of China's human right situation and policy. The human right issue in China-US relationship can be managed.

This writer recently visited the United States for a month, during which what he heard most were questions concerning trade disputes and the exchange rate of RMB (Chinese Currency).

There is a saying: The Chinese carry out unfair competition in order to force down the exchange rate of RMB, which has led to America's huge trade deficit and the loss of work-posts. But there are divided views on this issue within the United States. Most economists, including Alan Greenspan and some Nobel laureates, hold that even if China revalues the RMB by a big margin, there would not be much help to balancing trade between the two countries and creating jobs for the United States.

It is their view that US trade deficit with China is not a problem viewed from global trade, it is a problem viewed from bilateral trade; and it is not a problem from the economic angle, but is a problem from the political angle.

The view of the Bush administration is different from that of certain congressmen. The Bush administration stresses free trade and global trade. In mentioning China in its report to the Congress in December 2004, the Treasury Department said that China was intensifying implementation of its promise of allowing the RMB to develop toward a floating exchange rate based on the market. Leaders of relevant Chinese and American departments have strengthened contacts and consultations in the past few years, and the Bush administration recently has affirmed the reform to the RMB exchange rate.

What's more, trade restriction is like a double-edged sword. US-set restriction on China's imports causes not only China to suffer, but also American consumers, retailers and importers. This writer holds that the volume of China-US trade is so big, the present trade frictions should also be treated with an ordinary psychology--these questions can be managed and are being managed.

US Defense Department released its report of this year on China's military strength that reveals its worries about China's modernization of national defense. But this writer learned during his recent America visit that the US side is very clear that China's actual military strength lags far behind that of the United States. What they worry is mainly the so-called "transparency", that is, how is China's strategic intention, how China uses its growing comprehensive national strength, what China will do when it becomes powerful, how China will approach the present and future regional and world situation, the respective positions of China and the United States, etc.

In early August, China and the United States held their first strategic dialogs that proceeded very well. The question of the so-called "transparency" is precisely a problem concerning the conduction of communication through such dialogs, exchanges between the two armies and dialogs at a higher level.

We often say that the Taiwan issue is the most important and most sensitive core issue in bilateral relations. When Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao visited the United States in December 2003, President Bush, at a press conference, openly criticized that Chen Shui-bian's words and deeds were attempting to unilaterally change the status quo and he clearly expressed his "opposition" to this. The Bush administration's policy has not changed.

Since the important speech delivered by President Hu Jintao on March 4, 2003 during the CPPCC (Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference) session, the National People's Congress (NPC) of China has passed the "Anti-Secession Law", and leaders of the Taiwan pan-blue camp have successively visited the Chinese mainland.

The development of these events has eased the situation of the Taiwan Straits, and the "de jure Taiwan independence" to be practiced by Chen Shui-bian in the next few years will meet with insurmountable obstacles. As a matter of fact, a similar situation of the Taiwan Strait regional stability jointly maintained by China and the United States had emerged in the last few years. The Taiwan issue in Sino-US relations can also be managed.

In short, we can have confidence in the continued stability and development of China-US relations, and should be fully prepared in regard to the question concerning bilateral ties. Within a long period of China's development, there will be differences in and debates on America's China policy,

This article by Tao Wenzhao, researcher with the Institute of America Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, is published on the Global Times September 2 and translated by People's Daily Online