The resumed Six-Party Talks on the Korea-Peninsula Nuclear Issue, which has been stalemated for a year, now has very different backgrounds as compared with years ago.

The United States has imposed financial sanctions upon the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) for a year, and DPRK conducted missile trial tests, and a nuclear test in particular, and set off tension on the Korea Peninsula. In addition, marked changes have also taken place in the domestic political situation of both the U.S. and Japan. The talks have restarted with the all-out mediation efforts of the parties concerned, and specially China, and so it is by no means a plain sailing .

Both the U.S. and DPRK, the principal parties to the Six-Party Talks, have shown greater sincerity and flexibility and the latter no longer insists that the U.S. should first of all abandon its financial sanctions against it as a precondition for restarting the talks. The U.S. also retreats half a step and agrees to discuss the removal of its financial sanctions against DPRK within the framework of the Six-Party Talks. Such great changes on the part of either DPRK or the U.S. are ascribed to the following three factors.

First of all, the DPRK nuclear test gives rise to tension in the East Asia region, with aggravated worries for the security issue among the adjacent nations, and some practical measures have been taken to step up the intensity of the mediation, so that the settlement of the DPRK nuclear issue has become more urgent and fairly big pressures are imposed upon the leading interested parties.

Secondly, with major changes taking place in the US domestic political situation in the wake of mid-term elections, both chambers of the US Congress slammed the policy of the Bush Administration toward the DPRK as "ineffective" and pressures from both Congress and public opinions have obliged the Bush government to readjust its security and diplomatic policies at least tactically and display still greater flexibility on the issue of the Six-Party Talks.

Thirdly, Resolution No. 1718 adopted by the United Nations Security Council in mid October has also played an important role.

The Six-Party Talks has lasted for four years, yet its outcome still falls far short of people's expectations for it. Prior to the talks, US chief negotiator Christopher Hill voiced his confidence for a substantial progress in the talks, and the Chinese side, too, expressed its hope for substantial outcome of the talks. Hence, the parties concerned will have measures to be tabled. If the second phase of the Fifth Round of the Six-Party talks was prompted by various kinds of pressures, then the substantial progress of the talks will have to be spurred by a powerful driving force.

The United States has reportedly drafted a range of incentive measures to encourage DPRK to abandon its nuclear weapons. If the DPRK side agrees during the Six-Party Talks on Monday to take concrete measures to give up its nuclear program, noted the U.S., the American side will provide DPRK with a written security pledge. Meanwhile, it will also hold consultations with DPRK to end its sanctions against it and offer it energy aid. It is acknowledged that a reliable security guarantee constitutes the precondition for DPRK to abandon its nuclear weapons and also the demonstration of the US sincerity and good faith released toward DPRK; if the U.S. lives up to these commitments, people can be convinced that DPRK would also take up substantial measures on the issue of abandoning its nuclear weapons.

To resolve the DPRK nuclear issue and realize the goal of denuclearization on the Korea Peninsula, it is imperative to have a motive power for achieving the goal. Such a motive power comes from the international community and particularly from the U.S. and, consequently, the American attitude is the crux of matter for the settlement of the issue.

Nevertheless, there are also a few inharmonious sounds at the time when the international community has been busy with its shuttle diplomacy and actual manoeuvring for the resumption of the Six-Party Talks. Official quarters in Japan ransacked respectively on Nov. 27 and 29 the General Federation of Korean Japanese and a personnel dispatch society relevant to DPRK, and the event has rekindled strong response from the DPRK side, which claims Japan as not entitled for the participation in the Six-Party talks.

As a matter of fact, China has made tremendous, painstaking efforts to advance the re-opening of the talks. It stands for settling the DPRK nuclear issue within the framework of the Six-Party Talks via dialogues and negotiations. As long as still greater and deeper trust and sincerity are released toward each other with a pragmatic, flexible posture being made, the Chinese side maintains, substantial progress are sure to be made in the talks and the goal of denuclearize the Korea Peninsula is possible to be materialized at an earlier date.

By the People's Daily on-line, the author Li Dunqiu, a noted professor from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and director general of the Korea Peninsula Study Center of the World Development Institute under the Development Research Center of the State Council, or the Chinese central government.