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Last updated at: (Beijing Time) Saturday, August 09, 2003

Reason for Difficulty in Breaking Cross-strait Deadlock: Commentary

Since the alternation of Taiwan political parties in 2002, although the Chinese mainland has shown the greatest sincerity and striven to promote the development of cross-strait relations, the DPP (Democratic Progressive Party) authority, however, has hitherto refused to accept the one-China principle, denied the "92 Consensus" and obstinately stuck to its separatist stand on the "independence of Taiwan", showing no sincerity for relaxing and improving cross-strait relations.


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Since the alternation of Taiwan political parties in 2002, although the Chinese mainland has shown the greatest sincerity and striven to promote the development of cross-strait relations, the DPP (Democratic Progressive Party) authority, however, has hitherto refused to accept the one-China principle, denied the "92 Consensus" and obstinately stuck to its separatist stand on the "independence of Taiwan", showing no sincerity for relaxing and improving cross-strait relations.

Practice in cross-strait ties over the past three years has proved that the series of "Taiwan independence" policies pushed by the DPP authority are the fundamental reason leading cross-strait relations to an impasse, as well as the general root cause that makes it hard to stabilize the Taiwan Straits situation and makes it possible to trigger a crisis.

Obstinately clinging to "Taiwan independence" and refusing to accept the one-China principle has seriously damaged the foundation for the development of cross-strait relations

The one-China principle is the foundation for the stability and development of cross-strait relations. As early as March 2000, then President Jiang Zemin clearly indicated, "No matter who is in power in Taiwan, we welcome him to come to the mainland for talks, at the same time, we can also go to Taiwan. However, there must be a foundation for dialogs and negotiations, that is, the one-China principle must first of all be recognized. On this premise, any problem can be discussed.

On the day when Chen Shui-bian came to power on May 20, The CPC Central Committee's Taiwan Work Office and the State Council Taiwan Affairs Office were authorized to issue a statement which again solemnly pointed out: As long as Taiwan authorities clearly promise not to push their "two-states theory" and clearly promise to adhere to the consensus, i.e., (the 92 Consensus) reached in 1992 between ARATS (Association for Relations Across the Taiwan Straits) and SEF (Straits Exchange Foundation), to the effect that "both sides of the Taiwan Straits adhere to the one-China principle" expressed respectively by words of mouth, we are willing to authorize the ARATS to get in touch and conduct dialogs with the organization or personages empowered by the Taiwan side.

However, the DPP authority looks upon the "Taiwan independence party program" as "a spirit tablet", stubbornly sticks to its separatist stand of "Taiwan being a sovereign, independent state", refuses to accept the one-China principle and refuses to acknowledge the (92 Consensus", clamoring for "taking Taiwan's own road, which leads Taiwan into its future". In August 2002, Chen Shui-bian completely stripped off his mask as he dished out the so-called "one country on each side" theory, brazenly challenging the one-China principle. The appearance of the "one country on each side" theory has seriously harmed cross-strait relations.

The DPP authority, in order to cling to its stand of rejecting the one-China principle, ignored historical facts, it first described the (92 Consensus" as a "consensus without consensus", then it distorted it into so-called "92 spirit", and proceeded to flatly deny the existence of the "92 Consensus". During the island's election period in 2001, Chen Shui-bian wantonly attacked and slandered the "92 Consensus", extended the meaning of acceptance of the one-China principle and recognition of the "92 Consensus" as acceptance of "one country, two systems, as an intention to localization of Taiwan" and as "betraying Taiwan, and swallowing up Taiwan", he viciously demonizes and smears the "92 Consensus", so as to deceive and mislead the Taiwan public and cover up his guilt of obstructing and damaging cross-strait relations.

Although the "92 Consensus" is a consensus expressed respectively in a verbal form, it is unanimously acknowledged by many people including those on the Taiwanese side, it is an historical fact which cannot be denied by any person or political force. If Taiwan authorities one-sidedly overturn the foundation built up jointly by both sides for contacts and discussions simply because of the replacement of leadership and ruling parties, and even complicate matters by discussing the question of whether the mainland and Taiwan belong to one China, this is extremely preposterous.

When the Chinese mainland proposed reopening cross-strait dialogs and discussions on the basis of the "92 Consensus", what it adhered to was the long-standing common stand of both sides of the Straits and did not raise any new demand that went beyond the limit of the bilateral consensus, and so would absolutely not cause losses to the interests of any side, therefore, reopening dialogs and discussions between both sides on the basis of the "92 Consensus" originally is not a difficult matter. However, since he took office Chen Shui-bian has deliberately tried by various means to overthrow and deny the "92 Consensus", painstakingly expand political differences between both sides, create new obstacles, thus causing the loss of the base for contacts, dialogs and discussions between the ARATS and the SEF, thus closing the door to cross-strait discussions and dialogs. This is the fundamental reason for the current deadlock of cross-strait relations.

"Gradual Taiwan independence" causes serious retrogression of cross-strait ties
After he assumed office, Chen Shui-bian promised that he "would not declareTaiwan independence, not promote inclusion of 'two-states theory' into the constitution, not change the national title, not spur referendum on reunification or independence aimed to change the status quo, and there is not such a question as annulling the 'national unification program' or the 'national unification council', but the noticeable fact is that his action of promoting "Taiwan independence" has not ceased for a moment, but instead has been continuously escalating along with the gradual consolidation of his ruling position. Over the past three years, the tense cross-strait relationship, instead of witnessing any relaxation and improvement, has seen serious retrogression due to his all-round effort to push "gradual Taiwan independence" in political, economic, foreign relations, culture, education, military, social life and other fields.

Over the past three years, Chen Shui-bian has not only shelved the "national unification council" and the "national unification program", but has also ordered the removal of posters and slogans bearing such words as "unification of China" and "opposing Taiwan independence" in public places, in an attempt to erase from people's minds the unification concept formed over the long past in the Taiwan society; and he would not feel satisfied until all names, designs, medals, indications and marks symbolizing "China" and the "Chinese nation" are cleaned up. His actions from replacing the emblem of the "information bureau" which carried the pattern of Chinese territory, and adding the characters "Taiwan" in "passports", to changing the names of institutions stationed abroad into "representative offices of Taiwan", ordered companies, academic institutions and people's organizations with "China" as their titles to change them into "Taiwan", demonstrating his mindset of eagerness to carry out the "de-China" campaign and to go in for "gradual Taiwan independence".

In the ideological field, Chen Shui-bian employed "Taiwan independence" elements to manage important cultural institutions, energetically pushed "de-China" policies, weakened putonghua (mandarin) teaching in primary and middle schools, discarded Chinese phonetic alphabet, and weakened the courses of Chinese history and Chinese geography, tried every possible means to cut off cross-strait ties in the fields of history and culture, so as to change Taiwan people's, especially the youngsters' identification of the Chinese nation and the Chinese mainland.

Taiwan authorities' policy on "gradual Taiwan independence" has penetrated into every field of the Taiwan society, its ultimate aim is to create a "Taiwan independence" atmosphere through a nibbling form, foster the soil for separatism, attempting to separate Taiwan totally from the big family of the motherland. Taking advantage of Taiwan people's psychology of hoping to be masters of their own destiny, Taiwan authorities seek Taiwan "independence" under the excuse of the "mainstay awareness of Taiwan", and "localization" and democratization", therefore, compared with naked gradual "Taiwan independence", it is more concealed, deceptive and dangerous. It has not only seriously worsened cross-strait relations, and has posed major threats to Taiwan Straits' peace and stability as well.

Ideology in command hinders "three links", and obstructs the normal development of cross-strait economic and trade relations
During Chen Shui-bian's competition for election in 2000, he solemnly pledged that if he won the election he would first solve the problem regarding cross-strait "three links", but after he took office, he, under the circumstance of ideology taking command and on the pretext of safeguarding "Taiwan's" security, he evolved the "three links" of mail, trade and transport, originally a pure economic topic, into a highly sensitive political question in the cross-strait relations and obstructed contacts between people of the two sides and the development of cross-strait economic and trade relations.

In a bid to accelerate the "three links" pace, the Chinese mainland has in recent years put forward a series of pragmatic and well-intentioned proposals and has thus won support and full affirmation from the general public of the island. The result of the poll conducted among the general public of Taiwan shows that over 70 percent of local people have consistently supported opening "three links", and the voice of the industrial and commercial circles for realizing direct "three links" has soared to an unprecedented height.

Under huge pressure, Chen Shui-bian, out of his election tactics, also made a certain posture, claiming that "three links" was the road that must be taken, that non-governmental organizations could be empowered and entrusted to carry out negotiations on "three links", relevant Taiwan departments also declared they would publish an evaluation report on direct flights between the two sides, etc. However, Chen Shui-bian's habit of always changing his mind and of saying one thing while doing another revealed itself thoroughly on the question regarding "three links". The so-called negotiation on "three links" between entrusted and authorized non-governmental organizations which he put forward in his "bold speech" quickly changed into "entrusted" or "repeatedly entrusted", and again very soon turned into "guided by the government and assisted by the folks"; the "direct flight clauses" amendment set forth by opposition parties was negated by the Taiwan "mainland affairs council" and strongly boycotted by the "pan-green" force; Chen's statement that "three links" were the road that must be followed was replaced by Chen's own words to the effect that "three links" were not "elixir", nor "specific medicine". Chen's tactic is: not putting the "three links" into effect wherever it is possible; not really putting the "three links" into practice where they can be done in a false way, letting the "three links" be carried out on a small-, not a large-scale wherever it is possible", trying his best to put off implementation of the "three links" indefinitely. This is the fundamental reason why implementation of cross-strait "three links" is indefinite to this date.

Chen Shui-bian has unceasingly changed his tactics, obstructing the development of cross-strait economic relations. Under the pressure of various Taiwan social circles, particularly industrial and commercial circles, Chen set to replace "no haste, be patient" with the so-called "active opening, effective management" policy. But only "effective management", not "active opening" has been seen since the policy was put into practice. Over 70 percent people of the industrial and commercial circles hold that "active opening, effective management" is only "no haste, be patient" without mentioning it. At the same time, after both sides joined the World Trade Organization (WTO), Taiwan authorities, instead of speeding up the process of normalization of cross-strait economic relations in accordance with their commitments, have stepped up establishment of a so-called "cross-strait economic-trade security early warning system" and "long-term security network", continuing to adopt a strict restrictive and discriminatory policy toward the mainland's products and funds into the island.

Accelerating cross-strait direct "three links" and strengthening cross-strait economic exchange and cooperation conform to the fundamental interests of people of the two sides, particularly of Taiwan compatriots, are conducive to the common prosperity of cross-strait economies and to promoting the sound development of cross-strait relations. As "the situation is stronger than man", Taiwan authorities probably have not much capital to continue postpone the "three links" and obstruct the further development of cross-strait economic relations, whether in terms of the objective environment for the development of cross-strait economic ties, or of the mainstream of popular will on the island.

International separatist acts have aggravated tension of cross-strait relations
Over the past three years, the DPP has vigorously pushed the separatist "Taiwan independence" policy not only in Taiwan Island and in cross-strait relations, but openly challenged the one-China principle and wantonly carried out "Taiwan independence", "one China, one Taiwan" and other separatist activities.

Internationally, breaking the one-China framework is the DPP authority's key policy for implementing its "Taiwan independence" goal in its foreign relations. For this, on the one hand it tries hard to seek developing substantive relations with the United States and other major Western countries. It attempts to sign free trade agreements" through raising the level of "official" contacts and exchanges and, by various forms, such as so-called "transit diplomacy", "democratic and human right diplomacy", establish de factor "official relations" with these countries, and proceed to achieve its aim of nibbling away the one-China framework; on the other hand, it brings forth so-called "attacking" "war-flame diplomacy" tactics, makes attack everywhere unscrupulously and without considering the consequences. Chen Shui-bian, Annette Lu and other senior officials came out personally and have even staged "transit", "holiday-making" and "visit" farces unscrupulously by a "tough breakthrough" method; they spared no effort to push so-called "return to the United Nations" activity, try by hook and by crook to squeeze into the WHO and other inter-governmental international organizations which are only for sovereign states, deliberately seek to "internationalize the Taiwan issue", intensify cross-strait contradictions in the world in order to achieve their aim of creating "one country on each side" featuring that the two sides of the Straits are of "non-mutual subordination".

Since it came to power, the DPP authority has purchased huge amounts of advanced weaponry and equipment and sought military support from certain countries. Over the past three years, the DPP authority, under a financially straitened circumstance, has at least prepared to purchase advanced weaponry and equipment as well as attacking weapons worth over US$6 billion from the United States. At the same time, it has also tried hard to seek foreign military alliance. Chen Shui-bian openly demanded accession to the US-Japan war theater missile defense system, declaring that Taiwan should not be absent from Asia-Pacific military cooperation, it attempts to rely on military support from external force, so as to get "escort and protection" for "Taiwan independence" separatist activities. Taiwan authorities' "Taiwan independence" separatist actions that challenge the one-China principle in the world have aggravated the cross-strait relations that have reached an impasse.

Plotted promotion of "referendum on Taiwan independence" is major hidden trouble to cross-strait relations
When he just assumed office, Chen Shui-bian was pressed to make the so-called promise that he would not boost a "referendum on unification or independence" aimed to change the status quo during his term of office. However, facts over the past three years have proved that he not only has not abandoned his stand of "referendum on Taiwan independence", but has tried hard to await a chance by various means to promote a referendum.

In the early period of his administration, Chen Shui-bian still dared not openly advocate "referendum legislation" because his position was not stable enough, within a period of time he could only act behind the scenes to connive with a handful of radical "Taiwan independence" elements in carrying out "referendum legislation" activities.

After DPP became the number one large party of the so-called "Legislative Yuan", Chen Shui-bian's "Taiwan independence" stand tended to become more intransigent, at first he stealthily instigated "referendum legislation", then he openly boosted the activity. In July 2002, he declared that so-called "future of Taiwan" would be decided by the "referendum" method through openly preaching that "Taiwan is a sovereign independent state", and that the "resolution text on Taiwan's future" would be taken as "the supreme guideline for the current handling of cross-strait problems". In August while dishing out the "one country on each side" theory, he flagrantly clamored for "conscientious consideration of the importance and urgency of referendum legislation".

The epidemic of the severe acute respiratory syndrome (SARS) has descended upon the two sides of the Taiwan Straits since the spring season of this year. Chen Shui-bian, instead of devoting his main energy to preventing the epidemic and saving the patients, took advantage of the chance to make a big political issue, clamoring for joining the WHO, stirring up a new muddy wave of separatist activities for "Taiwan independence". After his plot was foiled, Chen Shi-bian turned to push a "referendum on Taiwan's accession to the WHO". On June 27, he declared that a plebiscite on the "fourth nuclear plant" and other major public topics would be held before or on the very day of March 20 next year. On July 1, Chen again openly called for "a referendum on Taiwan's accession to the WHO within the framework of "one country on each side". On July 17, the DPP authority, under the circumstance wherein the provisional conference of the so-called "Legislation Yuan" failed to pass a "referendum law", still published the so-called "main points on implementation of handling referendum", indicating that referendum was a "matter that must be done" before March 2004. Under the strong impetus of Chen Shui-bian and the DPP, referendum activities have gone farther and father in Taiwan Island.

Taking advantage of its ruling position, the DPP authority deliberately changed names to promote "referendum" activities or so-called "referendum legislation", its fundamental aim is, under the smokescreen of "human right, democracy and self-determination", to try to realize "juridical Taiwan independence" by the "referendum" form, thereby permanently separating Taiwan from China. DPP authority's "referendum" activities, carried out under whatever names, have the same essence.

The direct consequence of these activities is to make a breakthrough for "Taiwan independence" force to manipulate and control popular will and boost "Taiwan independence referendum", which is possible to develop to an unmanageable extent. If this situation should occur, it would be the greatest misfortune for the people on both sides of the Straits, particularly Taiwan compatriots.

The legal status of Taiwan as part of the Chinese territory is indisputable whether in terms of domestic law or of international law. After China recovered Taiwan in 1945, the question of holding referendum on so-called "Taiwan's future and status" simply didn't exist. The DPP authority steps up its effort to promote "referendum" activities, which can only directly aggravate the tension of cross-strait relations, if it insists on going its own way, it will surely draw the fire upon itself.

People's Daily


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